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date: 25 November 2017

Women, Politics, and Media in Uruguay, 1900–1950

Summary and Keywords

In the first half of the 20th century, Uruguay was a relatively educated, democratic, and politically progressive South American country, and women there used old and new media for professional and political ends. Radical, Catholic, and liberal feminist women all utilized print media to promote their views and build support for their respective causes in publications aimed at both female and general audiences. Anarchist feminist María Collazo, for example, edited an important publication, La Batalla, from 1915 to approximately 1927. By the late 1920s, radio was an emerging mass medium, and women activists, journalists, and others sought to make their voices heard, literally and figuratively, on its airwaves. Starting in 1935, those airwaves included Radio Femenina, the first all-woman format radio station in the Western Hemisphere. One of the voices heard on Radio Femenina was Dra. Paulina Luisi, Uruguay’s leading feminist activist, who became a powerful voice of both the Socialist Party and the politics of the Popular Front in the late 1930s and early 1940s.

Keywords: Uruguay, newspapers, anarchist press, radio, Catholic Ladies’, League, Communist Party, Radio Femenina, feminism

Introduction: Women and Media in the “Model Country”

By the early decades of the 20th century, Uruguay was transitioning from a country known for violence and civil war to one known for progressive social reform, relatively stable political institutions, and a comparatively urbanized and educated population. Uruguay, especially its capital, Montevideo, attracted a share of the stream of European immigrants heading to the cities of the Atlantic seaboard, including an important contingent of political exiles—European, but also Argentine—of a variety of political stripes. The Uruguayan political climate was reflected in and shaped by the presence and influence of José Batlle y Ordóñez, president from 1903 to 1907 and from 1911 to 1915, and a dominant figure in the ruling Colorado Party until his death in 1929. Hailed as a “model country,” during this era, Uruguay became the first Latin American country to implement the eight-hour workday and was home to a model public health and social security system. Legislation during this time gave women easier access to both higher education and divorce, and in 1932 Uruguayan women were among the first in Latin America to win the right to vote in national elections. Uruguayan political culture is also famously secular: the 1919 Constitution mandated such a strict separation of church and state that Holy Week was officially renamed Tourism Week, a designation that remains in place to the present day. This political, social, and cultural climate fostered a vibrant and relatively open media environment for a country of its size, with a wide variety of voices making themselves heard in print media and, by the later 1920s, on radio as well. During the first half of the 20th century, women’s organizations, female activists, and others used these media outlets to diffuse their ideas, build community, and raise awareness. While some of these publications and projects were short-lived, taken together they attest to a vibrant and accessible media environment for women in Uruguay during this time, and to the ways women made use of “new media” as a tool for advancing their voices into the public sphere.

Women and Early Anarchist/Liberal Press

Like Buenos Aires, the larger city across the Río de la Plata, Montevideo attracted waves of mostly Spanish and Italian immigrants in the later 19th and early 20th centuries. Some of those immigrants brought radical political ideas, and Montevideo (like Buenos Aires) became home to an important community of anarchists. Unlike the more traditional Marxist Left (socialists, and later communists), many anarchists understood women’s oppression—at least in theory—as a condition of exploitation and enslavement parallel to the exploitation of labor by capital. Anarchists during this era were also strong proponents of “free love,” which essentially rejected traditional marriage as an unequal institution reinforcing authoritarian ideologies and facilitating exploitation. As a result, the anarchist press was relatively more open to feminist ideas and discourse than other print media of this era, and a few prominent women maintained a high profile in anarchist print media during the 1910s. In Montevideo during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, for example, the anarchist publication Derecho a la vida (Right to life) featured articles by anarchist feminists. Given women’s economic dependence on men under capitalism, marriage was frequently equated with prostitution in such publications. “Only in a communist anarchist society where nobody is dying of hunger,” explained an article from 1900, “will completely free unions be possible.”1

Movement between Uruguay and Argentina, and their respective capitals, has long been fluid and frequent, and ideas, people, and media products (newspapers, radio broadcasts) paid little heed to national frontiers. In 1902, Argentina’s Ley de residencia (Residence law)—legislation that facilitated the deportation of foreign-born agitators from its shores—bolstered Montevideo’s importance as a haven for exiles. In 1907, following a major tenants’ strike in Buenos Aires in which anarchist women figured prominently, three leading activists, Uruguayans María Collazo and Virginia Bolten, and Spanish Juana Rouco Buela, were expelled from Argentina under the terms of the new law. They all took up residence in Montevideo, where they continued their political activism and agitation. In 1909 and 1910, the three published the short-lived newspaper La Nueva Senda (The new path). The publication lauded the struggles and defiance of proletarian women but also expressed frustration at what they presented as women’s lack of political consciousness. By agreeing to work for less pay than their male counterparts, and by raising their children to “earn money” rather than to destroy capitalism, women undermined the working-class struggle, they argued.2 Starting in 1915, Collazo founded and edited La Batalla (The battle), which published until approximately 1927. While La Batalla did not deal exclusively with women’s issues, the publication regularly denounced the economic and sexual exploitation of proletarian women, and called for an end to both capitalism and bourgeois marriage as institutions that robbed women of their human dignity. In response to reports that a young woman had committed suicide because her employer was pressuring her to have sex with him, for example, a late 1915 article concluded that proletarian women had only three real options: “kill yourself, prostitute yourself, or rebel.”3

Alongside the anarchists were more moderate freethinkers, anticlerical liberals who saw religion, and especially the Catholic Church, as an obstacle to progress and a tool of women’s oppression. As early as 1901, Asunción Lavrin reports, the anticlerical feminist Celestina Margain de León began publishing a short-lived newspaper in Montevideo named La defensa de la mujer (Women’s defense).4 Judging from the publication’s third issue (in June 1901), the paper faced some rather strident attacks from elements of the mainstream press, which may in part explain why it did not endure.5 The following year, Uruguayan freethinker María Abella de Ramírez founded the periodical Nosotras (We women) in the Argentine city of La Plata. Nosotras, which published from 1902 to 1904, “examined a variety of ideas on the emancipation of women and acted as a forum for the discussion of social issues affecting men, women, and the family.”6 More important to the history of feminist print media in Uruguay are the activities of a Spanish exile, Belén de Sárraga, who reportedly settled in Montevideo because of the climate of tolerance for anticlerical views created by President Batlle y Ordóñez. In 1906, she founded the Association of Liberal Ladies (Asociación de damas liberales), in part as an answer to the establishment of the Catholic Ladies’ League in the city a few months earlier. From 1908 to 1910, Sárraga edited the newspaper El Liberal, in which she “wrote articles defending illegitimate children, secular education and the separation of church and state.” For the Liberal Ladies, religion and religious domination were the main cause of women’s oppression, which had left woman a “physically and morally deformed being.”7

Conservative Catholics felt particularly embattled in secular Uruguay, and legal changes expanding divorce, among other things, spurred conservative Catholic women to action. In 1906, the first Latin American branch of the Liga de Damas Católicas (Catholic Ladies’ League) in Latin America was organized in Montevideo, and the following year the first issue of the group’s official publication, El Eco, was published. From the beginning, Liga leadership understood the importance of mass media to getting out their pro-clerical message. A May 1908 issue stated, “We must never tire of repeating that the only methods today for dominating public opinion are conferences and the press … the Catholic religion has lost ground by not knowing how to use these mediums.”8 El Eco published continuously for more than twenty-five years, and the Liga used its pages to promote its projects, motivate its readership, and attack its enemies. Somewhat ironically, perhaps, the Catholic Ladies’ League was the first of these political women’s groups to align themselves with the word feminism, following the publication of a pamphlet by one of their members titled “Feminismo Cristiano” (Christian Feminism) in 1906.

The foundation of the Uruguayan Socialist Party in 1910, the departure of Belén de Sarraga for Chile in that same year, and the return of Batlle y Ordóñez to the presidency in 1911 combined to move the freethinking anticlerical women into a more middle-class liberal feminist camp focused on obtaining equal civil and political rights for women, with less attention paid to the issues of working women or questions of sexual abuse and exploitation. In 1916, the National Women’s Council of Uruguay—a branch of the International Council of Women—was founded under the leadership of Paulina Luisi, Uruguay’s first female physician and its most important feminist leader. In 1917, the council began publishing Acción Femenina (Feminine action), a mostly quarterly magazine that appeared more or less regularly until 1925. Paulina Luisi was also a correspondent for the Argentine socialist feminist publication Nuestra Causa (Our cause), the official publication of the National Feminist Union in Argentina, a group headed up by noted Socialist Dra. Alicia Moreau de Justo. A publication that defined itself as the “monthly magazine of the feminist movement,” Nuestra Causa published between 1919 and 1921 and had a wide circulation that included Montevideo.9

Liberal feminists were visible in the mainstream press as well. Luisi’s friend and longtime political collaborator Fanny Carrió de Polleri penned a regular column titled “Para Nosotras” (For us women) in the Colorado Party daily, La Mañana, from 1917 to 1921. Using the pseudonym “Fafhm” (the first initials of her five children), Carrió de Polleri used this column to argue in favor of women’s right to vote and to defend feminism against charges that it was anti-family or anti-male. Another regular contributor to La Mañana, Carmen C. de Queirolo, seconded these views, asserting in June 1919 that “to be a feminist is the most exquisite manifestation of femininity.”10 Women continued to make inroads into areas of journalism that had been exclusively male domains. In 1933, for example, Giselda Zani became the first woman to interview a soccer player in Uruguay, opening up what remains a very narrow space for female sportscasters in the country. During the 1920s, the anarchist movement, and by extension the anarchist feminist movement, began to fade, and the mantle of radicalism and (somewhat tepid) support of socialist feminist ideas passed to the Uruguayan Communist Party, created in 1921 when a majority of Socialist Party members voted to affiliate with the Third International. The party’s official newspaper, Justicia, included a separate women’s section. In the early 1920s, for example, Justicia publicized a Communist Party campaign to organize domestic workers, and aired debates among party members over women’s revolutionary capacity and other related matters.11

Following women’s acquisition of the franchise in late 1932, a coup imposed an authoritarian regime. Feminists were divided on whether to participate in the new regime and on the best way to make the woman’s vote most impactful. One liberal feminist, Sara Rey Alvarez—over the objections of veteran feminists such as Paulina Luisi—founded a separate political party, the Partido Independiente Democrático Femenino (Women’s Democratic Independent Party). The party was skeptical of traditional political parties, whom they felt were only interested in paying lip service to women’s issues to gain the electoral support of newly enfranchised female voters. The party’s newspaper, Ideas y Acción (Ideas and Action), published from 1933 to 1938, with a primary goal of educating women and preparing them to exercise their political rights.12 As Asunción Lavrin notes, “Rey Alvarez used Ideas y Acción to argue her political program throughout the late 1930s.” The 1938 elections were the first in which women were able to vote, but because of the restraints placed on opposition participation many political factions opted to abstain. Luisi, for her part, actually encouraged women to sit out the 1938 elections for fear that they would be used like “sheep” by pro-regime forces.13 The Women’s Party, however, took a different position, and the pages of Ideas y Acción encouraged women to register to vote and complained about lack of government effort to bring women into the electorate. The 1938 elections were an electoral disaster for the Women’s Party; it received fewer than two hundred votes, and the party and its publication disappeared soon afterward.

Women and “New Media”: Cinema and Radio

During the Batllista era, many elite women’s charitable organizations partnered with the state to provide social assistance especially to women and children. Starting in the late 1910s, at least two of these organizations made a number of silent films to raise awareness and mostly funds for their respective state-subsidized organizations. The first example of so-called beneficent cinema in Uruguay is thought to have been the 1919–1920 Pervanche, most likely produced by and for the Entre Nous ladies’ association. By the later 1920s, the most important organization involved in beneficent cinema was the Asociación La Bonne Garde, a group founded in 1911 to assist mostly juvenile unwed mothers. In 1926, the group released a self-titled documentary, followed in 1929 by a more full-length feature, Del pingo al volante (From the racehorse to the automobile). The latter film, which featured many members of Montevideo’s elite essentially playing themselves, centered on a love triangle between the daughter of a distinguished but financially stressed Montevidean family and her two suitors, a handsome but debauched urban dandy and a rustic but virile estate owner, the young woman’s country cousin. This genre of elite filmmaking died out shortly thereafter, with the rise of talkies and Hollywood hegemony, but it speaks to the ways women’s organizations made use of “new media” as propaganda and fundraising vehicles.14 Some of this would carry over into the new medium of radio, which was just getting established when Del pingo al volante was made.

Radio arrived early and expanded rapidly in the Río de la Plata region of South America. The region’s physical geography—relatively flat unobstructed terrain facing the sea—coupled with relative affluence and an overwhelmingly immigrant population eager for news from an increasingly embattled Europe combined to make Buenos Aires and Montevideo two of the most important early radio markets in Latin America. As elsewhere in the hemisphere, radio developed along largely commercial lines, with sponsored programming financed by commercial advertising. In Montevideo, Radio Paradizábal began broadcasting in 1922, and by the end of the decade the city had at least twenty commercial radio stations.15 Given that Uruguay is such a small country, the vast majority of radio stations were concentrated in the capital of Montevideo, where they could be easily heard throughout the republic. By 1934, according to an Argentine survey, Uruguay was home to approximately one hundred thousand radio receivers, the third highest in absolute numbers behind Argentina and Brazil, and the most in per capita terms in the region.16

One of the early female voices on the Uruguayan airwaves was an exiled Spanish freethinker named Mercedes Pinto, who resided in Montevideo from the early 1920s until 1932. From about 1924, Pinto had a regular column in the middle-class magazine Mundo Uruguayo where, under the religious pseudonym “Sor Suplicio” (Sister Suffering), she responded to readers’ letters asking for advice and help with their problems. The column’s popularity was such that a radio version began airing on CX26 Radio Uruguay around 1930. Program listings for August 1931 show “Sor Suplicio” hosting both a “Feminine” advice column (Consultorio femenino) on Tuesdays from 8:00 to 9:30 p.m., and a “Spiritual” advice column (Consultorio espiritual) on Fridays from 8:00 to 9:00 p.m., making her one of the earlier regular female voices on the Montevidean airwaves.17 Around the time of Pinto’s departure for Chile, another woman began what would be a long career on Uruguayan radio. Using the pen name Elizabeth Durand, educator and liberal feminist Adela Barbitta Colombo had been contributing regularly to the Montevidean newspaper El Imparcial, on both the “women’s page” and for the theater section, since the late 1920s, as well as other Uruguayan periodicals. Sometime around 1932, the directors of station Radio Carve were looking for a writer to produce daytime programming aimed at women. But when station representatives met with Barbitta Colombo, they found that, in addition to her writing skills, she had a pleasing voice well-suited for radio. Radio Carve hired her, and Elizabeth Durand went on to have a long career as “La Dama de Carve” (the Lady of [Radio] Carve).18 In 1935, Durand was named “Queen of Radio” in the category of “Intellectual.”

In contrast to some conservatives during this era, who saw radio as the devil’s tool, the Catholic Ladies’ League embraced what they saw as yet another weapon in their arsenal. In 1928, Radio Jackson went on the air in Montevideo, declaring itself “the only Catholic radio station in South America.”19 It does seem that the Liga had airtime on the station in its early years, but Radio Jackson foundered initially. When it was re-inaugurated in 1932, however, the Liga had a strong and consistent presence. This was connected to the fact that by this time it was clear that legislation granting women the right to vote in national elections in Uruguay was imminent (it was passed later that year), and Catholic conservatives were aggressively courting the female vote. The Liga had an hour-long program on Radio Jackson on Sundays at 11:15 a.m. (right after church services, presumably) until 1936, when their time slot was moved to Friday evenings.

Shortly after conservative Catholic women gained regular access to the airwaves via Radio Jackson, a groundbreaking experiment in women’s broadcasting was preparing to take to the airwaves in Montevideo. In October 1935, the Estación femenina del Uruguay—or just Radio Femenina—began broadcasting on frequency CX48, at the far right of the AM dial. Radio Femenina appears to have been the first sustained and successful experiment with a radio station dedicated exclusively to an “all-woman” format in the Western Hemisphere, well before any similar project in the United States, for example. A station aimed primarily at women and populated almost exclusively by female voices, Radio Femenina was initially a commercial venture of Argentine and Uruguayan businessmen seeking to capture the female audience and, by extension, female consumers. It is important to note that Argentine regulators had recently taken steps to restrict the creation of any new broadcasting stations in Buenos Aires, in an effort to reduce overcrowding of the airwaves and to protect established stations from excess competition. Radio Femenina came to occupy the “last available space on the dial,” but in this crowded and competitive market, the station’s directors needed creative ways to fill airtime and attract sponsors. Montevideo’s active core of intellectual and/or politically active women were there to fill the void. The result was that, for a short time in the late 1930s, Radio Femenina had a remarkable lineup of women providing challenging and stimulating programming to a mostly female audience, including those who in 1938 exercised their right to vote (or, in some cases, their right to abstain) for the first time. Yet, within a short time, the rising specter of World War II and the suspect political sympathies of some of the station’s owners brought Radio Femenina under scrutiny. One of the station’s owners (who had a stake in several stations in the city) had known Axis sympathies, and although this never impacted the content of Radio Femenina broadcasts, the station was blacklisted and temporarily shut down in 1944 as part of a general crackdown on pro-Axis radio during the war years. Radio Femenina returned after the war, but never regained its earlier prominence.20

Among the voices airing on Radio Femenina was veteran feminist Paulina Luisi, who became increasingly comfortable with the radio medium over the course of the 1930s. Luisi’s first known radio address was a late 1932 message congratulating Uruguayan women on having won the vote, delivered from Madrid where she was residing at the time. Following the March 1933 coup, however, Luisi resigned her diplomatic posts and returned to Montevideo, where she threw herself into the Popular Front and struggles against fascism and authoritarianism at home and abroad. Luisi got her start on Radio Femenina around 1936, speaking out on behalf of women’s rights and Republican Spain. By the early 1940s, using the on-air name “Abuela” (Grandmother), Luisi had become a fiery radio orator and a favorite among Montevideo’s left-leaning youth. The fact that the Left had greater access to the airwaves in Montevideo than in other cities (Buenos Aires, for example) allowed Luisi to become a radio voice of socialist feminism in the region for a brief period of time.21

Postwar Wrap-Up: Julia Arévalo and Cristina Morán

As World War II neared an end, Paulina Luisi’s health was in serious decline. Her last radio speech, it seems, was a discourse she delivered from her sick bed on the occasion of the death of Franklin Roosevelt in 1945. Luisi died in 1950, but not before she saw a handful of women elected to national office in Uruguay, women who in turn helped write and promote the Ley de Derechos Civiles de la Mujer (Women’s Civil Rights Law), enacted in 1946. One of the few women in the Uruguayan Parliament at this time was Julia Arévalo de Roche, the most prominent woman in the Uruguayan Communist Party. Named to the party’s executive committee in 1939, Arévalo was elected to the House of Representatives in 1942—the first election in which women participated fully—and became Uruguay’s first female senator in 1946. In 1945 she co-founded the Communist women’s magazine Nosotras (We women), a weekly publication that ran until about 1953. Having this separate publication gave both Arévalo and Communist women generally authority and visibility within the party. At around the same time, another—presumably short-lived—publication of the Communist-affiliated Unión Femenina del Uruguay called for expanded rights for working women and denounced U.S. imperialism.22 When Nosotras ceased publication in the early 1950s, it coincided with Arévalo’s loss of her power base within the party.23

Although far less political than many of the examples above, one of the more prominent female media voices to emerge in midcentury Uruguay was that of Cristina Morán. Born in 1930, Morán began working for leading station Radio Carve in 1948, after she was selected in a contest to find a new voice to host a program titled “Cinema and its Stars.” Morán also acted in a number of Radio Carve’s serial dramas, and was for a time the “female voice of Coca-Cola” in Uruguay.24 Morán remained a leading female voice on Radio Carve until the early 1960s; by that time she had also become an important voice and face of the newly ascendant medium of television, a position she would maintain for many decades to come.

Discussion of the Literature

The existing literature in on women, politics, and media in the first half of the 20th century in Uruguay is scant, with information on the topic mostly scattered through a number of secondary works on Uruguayan women generally and (to a lesser extent) works on Uruguayan media history. Recently, the Uruguayan Ministry of Culture sponsored a brief but informative program, “La prensa es mujer” (The press is a woman), that included a video providing a brief but informative overview of a number of leading and pioneering women journalists in Uruguay from the colonial period to the present. Undoubtedly more work is being done and will be done in the future on this important avenue of historical investigation. Finally, a recent book on women, politics, and media in neighboring Argentina provides occasional information on this topic and some helpful context. Much of the existing literature has been concerned with recovering this lost history and does not always engage critically with larger questions of exploitation and agency in women’s use of media (and vise versa). This is changing rapidly, however, as the field of Latin American media history has experienced significant expansion in recent years. Those interested should consult the Argentina-based Red de Historia de los Medios, or ReHiMe (a comprehensive website containing bibliographic information), issues of ReHiMe Cuadernos, conference proceedings, and other resources related to media and media studies in the Southern Cone.25

Among the primary sources that help reconstruct this historical narrative are the personal papers of Uruguay’s leading feminist, Dra. Paulina Luisi, held at the Archivo General de la Nación and at the Biblioteca Nacional in Montevideo, Uruguay. El Eco, the official publication of the Catholic Ladies’ League, contains information about the group’s media strategies and activities, and the radio program guide POEUR contains programming and other information on the all-women’s station Radio Femenina. The newspapers Justicia and La Nueva Senda are also housed in the National Library. Many Uruguayan periodicals (including the mostly complete run of Acción Femenina and single issues of other women’s publications) have been digitized and are available online at the Communications Department at the Universidad de la República Uruguay.

Primary Sources

Archivo Paulina Luisi, Biblioteca Nacional de Uruguay, Montevedio, Uruguay.Find this resource:

Arévalo, Julia. El congreso mundial de mujeres y nuestra patria. Montevideo, Uruguay: Partido Comunista del Uruguay, 1946.Find this resource:

Morán, Cristina. Desde estos ojos. Montevideo, Uruguay: Fin de Siglo, 1994.Find this resource:

Pinto, Mercedes, Rogelio Martínez, and Alicia Cagnasso. Crónica del exilio de Mercedes Pinto en Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay: Ediciones Bergamin, 2007.Find this resource:

El Eco de la Liga de Damas Católicas del Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay, 1906–1934. Held at the Uruguayan National Library in Montevideo.Find this resource:

Programa Oficial de estaciones de radio del Uruguay (POEUR). Montevideo, Uruguay, 1931–1939. Held at the National Library in Montevideo.Find this resource:

Further Reading

Acree, William Garrett. Everyday Reading: Print Culture and Collective Identity in the Río de la Plata, 1780–1910. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011.Find this resource:

Arkinstall, Christine. Spanish Female Writers and the Freethinking Press, 1879–1926. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014.Find this resource:

Barbero, Raúl. De la galena al satélite: Crónica de 70 años de radio en el Uruguay, 1922–1992. Montevideo, Uruguay: Ediciones de la Pluma, 1995.Find this resource:

Barbero, Raúl. Por Siempre Carve. Montevideo: Raúl Barbero, 1999.Find this resource:

Campodónico, Miguel Ángel. Cristina Morán: Entre la soledad y los aplausos. Montevideo, Uruguay: Aguilar, 2014.Find this resource:

Ehrick, Christine. The Shield of the Weak: Women, Feminism and the State in Uruguay, 1903–1933. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005.Find this resource:

Ehrick, Christine. “Beneficient Cinema: State Formation, Elite Reproduction, and Silent Film in Uruguay, 1910s–1920s.” The Americas 63.2 (October 2006): 205–224.Find this resource:

Ehrick, Christine. Radio and the Gendered Soundscape: Women and Broadcasting in Argentina and Uruguay, 1930–1950. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015.Find this resource:

Gallo, Rosalía, ed. Periodismo politico femenino: Ensayo sobre las revistas feministas en la primera mitad del: Siglo XX. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Dunken, 2013.Find this resource:

Gumucio, Rafael. “Belén de Sárraga, librepensadora, anarquista y feminista.” Polis: Revista Latinoamericana 9 (2004): 2–20.Find this resource:

Lavrin, Asunción. Women, Feminism and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, 1890–1940. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995.Find this resource:

Leibner, Gerardo. Camaradas y compañeras: Una historia política y social de los comunistas del Uruguay. Tomo I La era Gómez, 1941–1955. Montevideo, Uruguay: Trilce, 2011.Find this resource:

Lobato, Mirta. La prensa obrera: Buenos Aires y Montevideo, 1890–1958. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Edhasa, 2009.Find this resource:

Maronna, Mónica and Ernesto Beretta Garcia. Historia, cultura y medios de comunicación: enfoques y perspectivas. Montevideo, Uruguay: Biblioteca Nacional, 2012.Find this resource:

Matallana, Andrea. “Locos por la radio”: Una historia social de la radiofonía en la Argentina, 1923–1947. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Prometeo Libros, 2006.Find this resource:

Molyneux, Maxine. “No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina.” Latin American Perspectives 13.1 (Winter 1986): 119–145.Find this resource:

Sapriza, Gabriela. Memorias de rebeldía: Siete historias de vida. Montevideo, Uruguay: Puntosur, 1988.Find this resource:

Notes:

(1.) Gabriela Sapriza, Memorias de rebeldía: Siete historias de vida (Montevideo, Uruguay: Puntosur, 1988), 43.

(2.) Juana Buela, “A las mujeres: Necesidad de organizarse,” La Nueva Senda 14 (January 1910): 3.

(3.) “La solución: Prostituirse, suicidarse o rebelarse,” La Batalla 11 (December 1915): 2.

(4.) Asunción Lavrin, Women, Feminism and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, 1890–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 324.

(5.) One issue of La defensa de la mujer (No. 3, 1901) is available at Universidad de la República Uruguay.

(6.) Lavrin, Women, Feminism and Social Change, 322.

(7.) Christine Ehrick, The Shield of the Weak: Women, Feminism and the State in Uruguay, 1903–1933 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), 55.

(8.) “Las conferencias de la Liga,” El Eco 12 (May 15, 1908): 1.

(9.) Rosalía Gallo, ed. Periodismo politico femenino: Ensayo sobre las revistas feministas en la primera mitad del: Siglo XX (Buenos Aires, Argentina): Editorial Dunken, 2013, 35–46.

(10.) Ehrick, Shield of the Weak, 140–141.

(11.) Ehrick, Shield of the Weak, 189–193.

(12.) “Manifiesto al país.” Ideas y acción, año 1, no.11 (November 5, 1933): 1.

(13.) Sapriza, Memorias de rebeldía, 100.

(14.) Christine Ehrick, “Beneficient Cinema: State Formation, Elite Reproduction, and Silent Film in Uruguay, 1910s–1920s,” The Americas 63.2 (October 2006): 205–224.

(15.) Gustavo Remedi, “Escrituras no tan en el aire: El campo de la radio en el Uruguay,” in Industrias culturales en el Uruguay, eds., Ronaldo País and Claudio Rama, Industrias culturales en el Uruguay (Montevideo, Uruguay: Arca, 1992).

(16.) Andrea Matallana, “Locos por la radio”: Una historia social de la radiofonía en la Argentina, 1923–1947 (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Prometeo Libros, 2006), 36.

(17.) Programa oficial de estaciones uruguayas de radio (POEUR), Año 1 No. 1, 8 August 1931. Mundo Uruguayo was published by Capurro and Co. in Montevideo from 1919 to about 1966. In addition to the Uruguayan National Library in Montevideo, the University of Florida has a nearly complete collection of the magazine’s early years (from 1919 to 1938).

(18.) Raúl Barbero, Por Siempre Carve (Montevideo, Uruguay: Raúl Barbero, 1999).

(19.) “Estación Radio Jackson,” El Eco 270 (April 1932): 3315.

(20.) Christine Ehrick, Radio and the Gendered Soundscape: Women and Broadcasting in Argentina and Uruguay, 1930–1950 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 70–101.

(21.) Ehrick, Radio and the Gendered Soundscape, 105–115.

(22.) The inaugural (July 1949) issue of the Boletín de Información de Unión Femenina del Uruguay is available at Universidad de la República Uruguay.

(23.) Gerardo Leibner, Camaradas y compañeras: Una historia política y social de los comunistas del Uruguay. Tomo I La era Gómez, 1941–1955 (Montevideo, Uruguay: Trilce, 2011), 262.

(24.) Cristina Morán, Desde estos ojos (Montevideo, Uruguay: Fin de Siglo), 37.